chicken joy in Jolibee

I exactly do not know why i have chosen this topic over a more serious one.. perhaps I maybe a little excited with this chicken joy from jolibee that they have given to us courtesy of our beloved office.. that's probably hte "pampalubag loob" to enliven our unwell emotions for this day. but i didnt eat the food because im saving it for a friend, a chicken joy addict"..sometimes food can really melt ur steel heart.. well if u give me someting to eat, wer friends on the spot..hehehe.. actually im a bit bored to think what to write here in this blog.. my mind is temporary out of service..i chose to talk about this stuff because im a food addict..hehehe.. i jst love fried chiken but im willing to sacrifice my craving for my loved ones..

Dr. Maximo S. Viola: The Man Who First Read the Noli Me Tangere

They said friends are rare like a fountain of gold, subject to safekeeping because it is so precious that we would not want to lose them. A true friend is someone who will be there for you to lend a helping hand when you needed him most, trust you when everyone turn their backs on you, and love you for what you are and not what you have- these are the prime characteristics of a real friendship as friendship knows no border.

Once upon a time, a struggling patriotic man named Jose Rizal developed friendship with a kind doctor whose name was Maximo S. Viola who would later become the patron of Rizal’s first novel- the Noli Me Tangere. Dr. Viola was born on October 17, 1857 in Sta. Rita, San Miguel, Bulacan to parents Pedro Viola and Isabel Sison. Just like Rizal, he was an alumnus of the University of Santo Tomas where he finished pre-medical studies. He sailed to Spain, where he earned a degree in medicine at the University of Barcelona in 1882. He met Dr. Jose Rizal in Barcelona, who was likewise actively involved in the Propaganda Movement, and who would later become his friend. He accepted Rizal’s invitation to join him on a tour of Europe, particularly Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Switzerland, from May to June 1887. Rizal was at that time worried with his financial inability to publish the Noli Me Tangere and even considering aborting his plan of publishing the novel by destroying the manuscript. Noli Me Tangere is a vanguard of Filipino nationalism in the form of a novel which invokes equal rights for the Filipinos in order to get back their self-confidence. The novel brings to light the social woes in the country during Rizal’s time and come up with appropriate reform to various sectors of the society such as the education of the people, assimilation of Western culture, and appreciation of their native traditions. Convinced with the worth of the novel and its purpose, Viola funded the cost of the publication himself, an initial 2000 copies of the novel were printed in 1887. In deep gratitude, Rizal gave him the galley proofs and the first published copy.

In 1887, Dr. Viola decided to go back to his homeland to practice medicine and it’s really destiny that he would find Juana Roura, whom he married in 1890. Her wife bore him five sons, but two of them died as infants. He had a reunion with Rizal when he invited him for a visit in Manila, in the latter part of June 1892. The meeting was brief for the two friends for Rizal had to be at Malacañang Palace, to confer with Governor General Despujol on his political activities. Dr. Viola, who was then also under suspicion of engaging in subversive activities, could not stay long in Manila.

Viola became a dissident and was frequently harassed by the Spanish authorities which persisted until the revolution. When the Americans arrived, his fellow countrymen became fascinated with what the Americans could offer- their benevolent assimilation policy. As a nationalist, he refused to succumb to the new power which resulted with his incarceration, initially to a Manila military prison and, later, was transferred to Olongapo. He was released with the help of Dr. Fresnell, an American doctor who sought his help because he was not knowledgeable about tropical diseases.

He had a soft heart for the masses and their sad plight. Viola, who served as president of the Liga de Proprietarios, supported the owners of rice lands in San Miguel, Bulacan in opposing politicians who were courting the tenants’ votes at the expense of the landlords. When the Manila Railroad line was being extended to Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija, Viola likewise fearlessly led the concerned landowners in preventing the prestigious British Company from taking over their land without appropriate reparations. Apart from his civic works, he used his profession to help treat his indigent patients for free.

Memories of his friendship with Rizal left an indelible mark in his heart that would later be put in writing through his memoirs in three parts in the Spanish newspaper El Ideal, which came out on June 18, 19 and 20, 1913. On September 3, 1933, Dr. Viola, aged 76, died in Barrio San Jose in his hometown.

Although not acknowledged in the book, Dr. Maximo S. Viola will constantly be remembered as the man who saved the Noli Me Tangere for posterity. More than that, he served the Filipino people by supporting Dr. Jose Rizal in his advocacy for nationalism, which inspired the Philippine Revolution.

Rizal’s Settlement Project in Sabah

The colonization project of Rizal in Sabah was a response to the Calamba’s land crisis which all started when Governor-General Terrero released a directive for the investigation of the friar estates to resolve the agrarian problems on the collection of land taxes and tenancy. Rizal was requested by the tenants of Calamba to conduct an investigation on hacienda owned by the Dominicans in Calamba and he submitted it to the Governor-General for appropriate actions. He found out that the hacienda of the Dominican Order comprised not only the lands around Calamba, but the whole town of Calamba.

Rizal’s exposure of the miserable plight of the tenants drew resentment from the friars. To make things worse, the Supreme Court of Madrid sided with the Dominicans and gave its recognition of the proprietorship of the lands in Calamba. It was mandated that tenants of Calamba be expelled if they fail to leave the hacienda before the date set by the law. Rizal’s family dispossessed from the Dominican-owned hacienda in Calamba in the absence of Rizal. Governor-General Weyler, who took the place of Governor-General Terrero, was sympathetic to the friars and so he deployed 50 soldiers from the peninsular regiment of artillery to drive out the poor tenants and the soldiers showed no mercy when they burned the houses as the tenants exceeded to the given 12 days to evacuate their belongings.

On his trip to Hong Kong, Rizal by chance met an Englishman Mr. W.B. Pryor and his wife, who were on their way to Sabah (North Borneo) to whom Rizal had shared his idea of a Filipino settlement in Sabah. The owner of the territory, the Sultan of Jolo, had it leased to the North Borneo Company in 1878 and was duly recognized by Spain, Germany and England with the condition that Spanish sovereignty over the island of Jolo will be honored. What was in the mind of Rizal that he desired to establish Filipino community in Sabah? He said in his letter to Blumentritt on February 23, 1892: “if it is impossible for me to give my country liberty. I should like to give it at least to these noble countrymen of mine in other lands”. Based on this statement, we can conclude that Rizal was apparently considering of relocating his family in Sabah where he can organize a Filipino community who would devote themselves in agriculture, he serving as the leader. He observed in Hong Kong that Englishmen governed their colony well far from the persecutions suffered by the natives of Philippines from the Spaniards.

Jaena, Luna, Bautista, Blumentritt and his other friends in Europe were delighted upon hearing the plan and expressed their support to the noble venture. While the project was commendable for most of his friends, Manuel Hidalgo, Rizal’s brother-in-law was not in favor. By January of 1892, Rizal had already prepared the agreement which was to govern the settlement of the Filipino colony in its relations with Sabah. The North Borneo Company offered permanent settlement for the emigrants and the sale or lease of lands for 999 years. None of the settlers would render free labor or be forced to serve in the military except the territory’s sovereignty is in threat. They would rule themselves with their own laws under the safeguard of the Company. In March, Rizal received a favorable sign when Mr. Pryor saw that Sabah needed manpower, and so he invited Rizal to come over to Sandakan. The company offered to undertake construction of buildings and planting of orchards, all payable in three years. Rizal in the absence of the governor of the island entered negotiations with the acting Secretary of the Government, Mister Cook, who also had to specify in writing the conditions of the settlement. He was received by the Governor on April 6, 1892, and on the following day he left for Hong Kong on board the Memnon.

On his arrival in Hong Kong, Rizal obtained directly from Spanish Consul Governor-General Eulogio Despujol’s position over the issue of Sabah settlement. Despujol refused to answer the letter sent by Rizal asking his permission to allow the landless Filipinos to establish a colony in Sabah. Despujol had probably played safe by not entering into an agreement involving him, nor to give publicity to the aspirations of the would-be-settlers as well as their intention to renounce their nationality. The consul whom Despujol coursed his reply, informed that the Governor-General had received his letter but he considered the Sabah project anti-patriotic as the Philippines was short of labor to cultivate its lands, and that he did not favor the establishment of Filipino community in Sabah.

Apolinario dela Cruz: Leader of the Cofradia de San Jose

Spain notwithstanding her insufficient number of men made successful conquests in the archipelago not with the aid of their swords but with the cross, and this was made possible by converting the natives into the Christian faith. For many years beginning from about 1655, natives did not stop in their struggle for freedom as separate revolts to challenge the Spanish colonial power perpetuated in different parts of the archipelago. The early years of Spanish conquest was centered on the evangelization of the natives which eventually transformed the pagan natives to become Christians. The natives began embracing the Christian faith but they began to apprehend the repression that had been imposed upon them by their colonial masters and so individuals in various towns and villages attempted to break away from the yoke of imperialism. Despite their effort and bravado in their quest for freedom, they were suppressed for the rebels were not sufficiently trained in warfare and small in number against the superior arms of the Spaniards.

These conquerors imposed a religion on the inhabitants of the Philippines that was so inflexible that any deviation was not only prohibited but considered a revolt not only against the church but the Spanish government as well as these two entities were united with the cross being the symbol of the state. This religious oppression by the Spaniards can be viewed in the experience of Apolinario de la Cruz’s Cofradia de San Jose.

Hermano Pule and the Cofradia de San Jose

The Cofradia de San Jose would not come into being without its founder Apolinario de la Cruz. This charismatic leader and future founder of the Cofradia was born on July 22, 1815 in Lucban, Tayabas province (now Quezon) of relatively well-to-do peasant parents Pablo de la Cruz and Juana Andres, both of which were religious Catholics. At fifteen, he decided to become a priest so he went to Manila in 1830 to pursue his ambition. He got frustrated when he was not allowed to enter priesthood just because his being an Indio. This event did not stop him from rendering religious service, he worked as lay brother instead, or, donado, at the San Juan de Dios Hospital, a charitable institution where he joined the Cofradia de San Juan de Dios, a brotherhood open to Indios and affiliated with the hospital. De la Cruz’s interest in public speaking was developed in this organization and he eventually became a lay preacher with a capacity to touch the hearts of his audience.

The year 1832 became a turning point in the religious life of Apolinario de la Cruz when he helped organize a group of nineteen persons also from Tayabas into a confraternity, the Hermandad de la Archi-Confradía del Glorioso Señor San Jose y de la Virgen del Rosario (Brotherhood of the Great Sodality of the Glorious Lord Saint Joseph and of the Virgin of the Rosary). This organization was a mere brotherhood. Similar to other religious organizations existing in Tayabas and other parts of the province whose purpose was to live in a religious life in accordance to the teaching of Gods and perform charitable works and church activities. In 1837 Apolinario de la Cruz appointed Octavio Ignacio de San Jorge as the “Hermano Mayor” while Filipino priest, Ciriaco de los Santos was designated as the Chaplain and Treasurer of the Confraternity.

The Cofradia was small organization unlike the other cofradias that from its founding in 1832 to 1840, it existed unnoticed. There was still no certain date but sometimes in 1839 or 1840 the Cofradia, had its member increased. The original nineteen members were now called fondadores (founders). Representatives were sent by the Cofradia to towns in the provinces of Tayabas, Laguna and Batangas. A dozen of people recruited to the Cofradia was equivalent for one vote for each council, these representatives became known as cabecilla (headmen).

The Cofradia conducted a meeting in the house of Francisco de los Santos in 1840 where the aims of the brotherhood was made public and by this time they have male and female members in Batangas, Laguna and Tondo. Collection of fees were imposed upon the members such as entrance free set at one real another real for their contribution during Holy Mass and other religious services held every 19^th of the month. By 1841 there were more than 500 members in Lucban alone, more than 240 in Tayabas town, 120 in Pagbilao, 20 in Tiaong, more than 40 in Batangas (Lipa and San Pablo), 130 in Majayjay. It had also members in Laguna (Nagcarlan, Liliw, Magdalena). Dela Cruz accounted that total members of Cofradia based on padrones (registry) was from 4, 500 to 5, 000 members.

The Confrontation between the Cofradias and the Church

Monthly assembly to hear mass became a customary among the members of the Confraternity who were convinced that their brotherhood was performing mere religious practices, thus, needing no permission from the government officials. When they realized that there number was increasing, they then considered it appropriate to authorizations from the church and the government.

Dela Cruz sought for the bishop of Camarines’ recognition and authorization of the Cofradia as a religious organization to make legal its holding of meetings and religious practices but the bishop denied his request. Not discourage by the disapproval of the bishop’s to recognize the brotherhood, dela Cruz applied for authorization to the Audiencia in Manila, the papers of the Cofradia was prepared by Don Domingo Rojas but the petition was denied.

Consequently, the Franciscan friars in the province denounced the religious practices of the Cofradias and pronounced it unorthodoxy and had to be stopped. They called the attention of the gobernadorcillo to make proper actions. On October 19, 1840, the gobernadorcillo of Lucban dispatched men to arrest the members of the brotherhood and so, some 243 persons of the 500 to 600 in the house of Francisco de los Santos were imprisoned. The provincial governor, Don Joaquin Ortega who was a husband to one of the members of the Cofradia, immediately ordered the release of prisoners when the news of massive arrest reached to him. This order from the governor was opposed by the vicar, Fr. Antonio Mateo and the parish priest Fr. Manuel Sancho of Lucban, both wanted the imprisonment of the arrested members.

Dela Cruz immediately sent a report to Archbishop Segui in Manila disparaging the unchristian acts of the friars in Tayabas. He made public his agitation and accused the friars of beatings on one of two members and threatening the members with excommunication. Dela Cruz challenged the authority of the vicar and of the parish church to do such acts because of the aims of the society was never against the Catholic faith. On January 29, 1841, a letter of dela Cruz was sent to the Bishop of Nueva Caceres restating that the cofradia was not against canon law. This petition letter was forwarded to the juez provisor of the bishopric, who, in turn endorsed it to the vicar, Fr. Antonio Mateo of Tayabas and to Fr. Manuel Sancho, the parish priest of Lucban. In effect, the petition was disregarded; the two friars declared that dela Cruz was not fit to wear the robe of the confradia. Upon learning of the organization and thinking that it was a seditious group, the Governor General, Don Marcelino de Oraa y Lecumberri ordered the arrest of its members and the brotherhood’s disbandment. As a result, dela Cruz gathered his men in Bay, Laguna and then went to San Pablo, then to Tiaong and to Sariaya. He then moved to Isabang, a sitio between Sariaya and Tayabas, where he was joined by other members from Batangas and Laguna and other towns of Tayabas.

The Bloody Encounter with the Spaniards

Meanwhile the government in its effort to subdue the brotherhood and regarded it as a subversive group sent a military force of 300 men under Alcalde Mayor Joaquin was formed on October 11, 1841 to seize the camp of dela Cruz. The Cofradia was offered amnesty through a communication but they rejected it. And so, the government forces started attacking the camp but in the end, the government forces were forced to retreat. The Negritoes helped the Cofradias in defending the camp which resulted to a tragic end. Ortega and many of his men were killed in this assault abandoning their falconets, arms, and ammunition much to the delight of the Cofradias. De la Cruz transferred his camp to Alitao, adjacent to Tayabas capital, which he forthwith fortified. The thought of severing his ties with the Church entered his mind as he assumed the highest position in the Cofradia and his followers crowned him “King of the Tagalogs”.

This tragic end of the government forces in the hands of the Cofradias reached Governor General Oraa who ordered Col. Joaquin Huet to suppress the group but he initially offered government amnesty with the exception of dela Cruz and his aides. However, no one accepted his offer and so, the attack commenced. On November 1, 1841, the government forces started their assault on De la Cruz’s camp and the fight lasted for four hours. The government forces triumphed in this battle as thousand rebels were killed in the encounter. According to Spanish sources, the Cofradias were in a high state excitement, spoiling for a fight, waving a red flag, fighting.

Dela Cruz fled to Sariaya to escape but was unluckily caught by the forces of Col. Huet. He was found out guilty after a summary trial and death by musketry was the punishment ordered by the court. The body of dela Cruz was quartered and his head stored in a cage for public view as it was put on top of a pole stuck along the roadside leading to Majayjay town. The other Confraternity leaders, Dionisio de los Reyes, Francisco Espinosa de la Cruz, and Gregorio Miguel de Jesus were sentenced to death just like dela Cruz.

The Supreme Court of Spain criticized the actions of the Government to the Cofradias resulted to the killings of many of its members by the government forces and officially reprimanded Governor-General Oraa. After studying the evidence submitted, the court declared that de la Cruz and his followers clearly had no political aims but to practice its religious faith. What the fault committed by the brotherhood was ecclesiastical in character for not seeking permission from Church authorities in their religious activities.

Soldiers of the Masses: The Nationalistic Struggle of Hukbalahap

The dissident movement which came to be called the Huk Movement was originally consisted of peasants who raised arms against their landlords, of outlaws who found haven in the organization, and the Filipino communists who provided the leadership and who joint forces together with them under the nationalistic banner of fighting the Japanese fascism. This movement which was communist-sponsored was borne of economic, social, and political inequalities subsisted even before the coming of the Spanish, who commenced their version of mercantilism to the Filipinos, and were kept alive down to the twentieth century by unscrupulous American economic policy. Social cleavage has perpetuated in history when Filipinos are split into those who "haves" who enjoyed economic wellness and those who "have-nots" who were left with little opportunities to achieved their desires in life.

Establishment of Hukbalahap
Threat of Japanese invasion alarmed the CPP (Communist Party of the Philippines) and so, in December 1941, Pedro Abad Santos alerted Luis Taruc to rally all manpower resources in Pampanga for the emergency. Juan Feleo in the same way organized the peasantry of Nueva Ecija for the resistance movement. To prepare the citizen against Japanese invasion, a National Provisional Council of the United Front was formed to coordinate labor and peasant activities in Central. It was decided that a guerilla army be organized to combat the Japanese being inspired by the victory of the first encounter between a guerilla unit headed by an Amazon, Felipa Culala, alias Dayang-Dayang in May 13, 1942. In March 29, 1942 the HUKBALABAP (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon) or People’s Anti-Japanese Army, was born in Sitio Bawit, San Lorenzo, Cabiao, Nueva Ecija. Luis Taruc, who was tasked to be the commander-in-chief, headed the military committee. The other committee members were Casto Alejandrino, vice commander, Felipa Culala, and Bernardo Poblete, alias Tandang Banal. Since The Huk was the military arm of the CPP and a military commissariat was immediately formed with the following as members: Taruc, Alejandrino, Mariano P. Balgos, chief of staff; Juan Feleo, Mateo del Castillo, and Ong Kiet, commander of the Wha Chi Chinese guerillas. Central Luzon was partitioned into five military districts by the Huk Military Committee to ensure an efficient offensive-defensive action against the enemy.

Japanese Attacks led by Hukbalahap
The guerillas launched attack on enemy positions, harassing the Japanese and giving them no lull. The Huks according to Alfredo Saulo, “followed a policy of continuous attacks. The policy of continuous attacks had a twofold purpose: to kill as many enemies as possible, thus increasing the people morale and confidence in the Hukbalahap, and to get arms for the still unarmed guerillas known as the “squad balutans”. In the two months that followed, Huk strength grew to approximately 5,000 active supporters, organized in thirty-five squadrons and support troops.” In January 1943, the Huk resumed its operation on carrying assaults against Police Constabulary garrisons and Japanese supply depots. As their tactical successes grew and the people saw them as more effective fighters, Huk strength grew again doubling to 10,000 by March 1943. The popularity and strength of the Huks increased; the Huks helped establishing additional squadrons and contributed to the formation of an all-Chinese force, the Overseas Chinese 48th Detachment of the People's anti-Japanese Forces, or Wachi.

Towards the liberation
In January 1945, before the American landing on Luzon most of Tarlac, Pampanga, and Nueva Ecija, fell into the hands of the Huk where they established provisional governments in the last two provinces. The Huks also contributed in liberating the outskirts of Southern Luzon, two Huk squadrons joined with the U.S. 11th Airborne Division and helped rescue American and allied prisoners from Japanese prison-camps at Cabantuan and Los Baños.
Bernard Seeman and Laurence Salisbury who wrote for Institute of Pacific Relations, New York published an unbiased assessment of the Huks’ war record in a pamphlet entitled Cross-Currents in the Philippines. According to their findings, the Huks had 1, 200 engagements with the Japanese and puppet forces during the war and inflicted some 25, 000 enemy casualties, mostly local puppets. By war’s end, the Huks’ strength consisted of 20, 000 fully armed regulars and 50, 000 reservists.
Shortly after the war, the CPP dissolved the Hukbalahap and changed it into the Hukbalahap Veterans’ League with Alejandrino as national chairman. They lobbied for the elevation of the social and economic conditions brought about by the social injustice, that there is a need for amelioration by the government for the conditions of former Huk guerillas who were most landless farmers. However, of all the Huk squadrons that participated in the war, only two from southern Luzon were offered official recognition and promised veteran benefits, back pay, and the opportunity to integrate into the Philippine armed forces.

The Post-War Dissident Campaign of the Huks and its Eventual Fall
After the war, the country was in chaos and its economy in debacle- unemployment was rampant and the nation's export industry had collapsed during the war. The Philippine Trade Act (or Bell Act) of 1946 Provisions of the 1946 was seen by the Huks as another example of the United States manifestation of its imperialistic policy to the Philippines benefiting the rich landlords, businessmen and corrupt officials. But the one overruling factor that seemed to be central for Huk supporters and converts was the issue of land tenure.
When President Roxas’ successor, Elpidio Quirino took over, he granted amnesty to them instead of sending military forces against the Huks. Taruc personally went to Malacañang on June 21, 1948 to accept the amnesty from Quirino. However, the amnesty was a setback when constabulary authorities pressed to the surrender of the arms held by the Huks, who were pronounced as rebels, refused to do. The failure of the amnesty given by President Quirino in 1948 turned out to be the crucial factor that led to the CPP decision to instigate an armed struggle against the government which was under the shadow of American imperialism. In 1949, HUKBALAHAP was renamed Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan or HMB for short.

In the mid-1950s, events such as the October Manila raid injured the Huks seriously and interrupt their joint political-military strategy. Coupled with public outrage over the murder of Senora Quezon and other atrocities against civilians, the Huks' mass support base developed cracks. On February 17, 1954, Taruc met Manahan, accompanied by Benigno Aguino, Jr., a young reporter. Manahan urged Taruc to surrender, assuring him that Pres. Magsaysay will seriously consider his petition for a general amnesty to the Huks. On May 16, 1954, Taruc capitulated to the government and the news of his surrender spread to Southern Luzon. The failure of Huks in their fight against the constituted government could be attributed to the following: shortage of weapons and ammunitions, treatment given to surrendered, establishment of EDCOR, and failure to win the loyalty of the civilian population.

MEN IN RED

Red gives the revolution its meaning as it is the color that painted the histories of many countries in the world. It has been a common practice of rioters who go to the streets to tie red cloths around their foreheads because, obviously, it signifies resistance against the status quo. Often, revolution is expressed in the form of a red flag, and in the design of the national flags all over the world, red is widely used. It may be associated with the emotional state of being in love, or it can be the color of roses that are given in every Valentines Day of each year. Although the color signifies several states of being, it is a symbolism of powerful feelings such as passion, courage, sacrifice and others. In Masbate, there were men who initiated the fight for freedom; feared and dreaded, and dressed in red. They gave the Spaniards the terror of their lives.
The green fields of Masbate and its crystal-clear beaches were once a site of a bloody battle when a movement called pulahan or pulahanes burned and sacked the towns of Masbate in the revolution initiated by the Tagalogs. These pulahanes wore red cloth but why were they called pulahanes is still subject to further verification. The pulahanes did not belong to the Katipunan but they deemed themselves part of the revolutionary forces. Most of the provinces were liberated by the revolutionary forces but not in the case of Masbate, the Spaniards had already departed from the colony when the contingent headed by Gen. Riego de Dios arrived. An event that paved the way to the evacuation of the Spaniards from Masbate was the siege laid down by the pulahanes led by Pedro Quipte (Kipte). The emancipation of the Masbate province from the yoke of colonialism was attributed to the legendary Quipte, whose parentage remains a mystery.
There are immense accounts on the history of Kabikolan, but there are still provinces that need further exploration such as Catanduanes and Masbate to bring the inadequacy of knowledge of yesteryears into a halt. The Exodus of the Spaniards in Masbate on August 19, 1898 came ahead of the departure of the Spaniards in the port of Legazpi on September 23, 1898 signaling the end of Spanish rule in the Bicol region.

The Christianization of Masbate
The province of Masbate comprises the islands of Burias, Ticao and Masbate. Burias derived its name from the buri, a palm tree endemic on the island. Ticao is a tiny strip of land, south of Sorsogon province, north of Masbate, and close to the Strait of San Bernardino. During the Manila-Acapulco galleon trade, the Acapulco-bound galleons anchored here to escape heavy monsoon rains before the coming of typhoon and for replenishment. Masbate, the largest and richest of the three islands of Bicol west of San Bernardino Strait, was then hardly populated. By 1844 only three small towns existed on the northern coast, namely, Baleno, Mobo and Palanas. The whole southern coast was placed under the mercy of the Moros.
The Christianization of Masbate dated back to 1569 when the Spanish explorers set their feet in the island. Fray Alonzo Jimenez, an Augustinian, was the first missionary to Masbate. Like in other parts of Luzon, the natives fled to the mountains in defiance of the Spaniards. The expeditions headed by Enrique de Guzman and Captain Andres Ibarra ended the resistance of the natives who eventually conceded to the new rulers of the island resulting to the establishment of settlements in the islands of Burias, Ticao and Masbate. But long before the advent of the Spaniards, a thriving commerce already existed between the natives of Masbate and Chinese traders in the first decade of the 16th century.

By July 1574 Governor-Geneneral Guido de Lavezares wrote to Philip II informing that the lands of the Camarines, Sorsogon, including the adjacent islands of Masbate, Burias, Ticao and Catanduanes were placed under the royal crown of Spain. In 1688, the Recollects took charge of the spiritual administration of the islands.

The Siege of Masbate and the Spanish Exodus
The rebellion in Masbate and other parts of Kabikolan might have been encouraged by the miserable conditions of the inhabitants in the various shipyards like the revolt by Agustin Sumuroy from June 1649 to July 1650, and the abusive polo system. The pulahanes originating from the barrio of Malobago in Cataingan, Masbate besieged Pilar in the last months of the Spanish regime. Considered fanatics and illiterate by the educated Filipinos in Masbate, the movement failed to get their support, but it won thousands adherents among the local people. Thus, the pulahanes treated the educated class as enemies similar to the Spaniards.
The Spanish governor, Don Luis Cubero y Rojas, attempted to organize a local militia but an assault against the rebels was not possible as the Spaniards were insufficient in number. The Visayan General Headquarters could not send reinforcement as they suffered the same problem. Caught in a dangerous situation and the threat of pulahan attack, the Spaniards and loyal Filipinos, who numbered 1000 therefore, decided to abandon the island and fled to Capiz on August 19, 1898. Following the departure of the Spaniards, the capital was occupied by the pulahanes; they plundered the capital and burned the houses to the ground before abandoning it and returning to Uson.
The Establishment of Revolutionary Government in Masbate
While Luzon, especially the Tagalog region, was engaged in fighting against the Spanish government, Aguinaldo deployed expeditionary forces led by Generals Justo Lukban and Riego de Dios to the Visayas and Masbate. Brig. Gen. Don Mariano Riego de Dios with soldiers from Cavite left Cavite on July 22, 1898. The revolutionary forces headed by Gen. Riego de Dios arrived in Masbate on the last days of August and found the town annihilated by the pulahanes led by its general, Pedro Quipte, after the Spaniards and loyal Filipinos escaped. Since the Spaniards had left the town, Riego de Dios persuaded Quipte to disband the pulahan as it was deemed unnecessary to maintain such a large army.
In the bay of the Masbate, the revolutionary forces had a brief encounter with the Spanish squadron consisting of five gunboats and a brigantine that resulted to the sinking of the Filipino ship Bulusan. Pedro Quipte, the leader of the pulahan, did not return to Masbate after Riego de Dios commissioned him to deliver the instruction to the captain of Isabe who was in Cataingan to hide the ship from the enemies. Meanwhile, local governments were set up in the towns along the coast up to Cataingan. The representatives from the revolutionary government were well received in all towns of Masbate, the people showed their willingness and cooperation to establish a new government under the revolutionaries government. The provinces of Masbate and Sorsogon were placed under the auspice of Gen. Diokno who arrived at the end of September in San Pascual, Burias Island. A historic event was witnessed by the local people with the proclamation of the revolutionary government in the town and unfurling of the Filipino flag in the plaza.

Remembering the Unremembered Filipino Patriots in Philippine Revolution

The Philippine Revolution that sparked in 1896 had witnessed the rise of great Filipino patriots all over the country who took significant roles and made noteworthy contributions in the revolution that became forerunner to the Philippine’s quest for freedom from foreign tutelage. These men responded to the call of nationalism and contributed their talents and skills to their struggle for independence against the Spaniards, who had robbed the country’s sovereignty or the right to self-rule from its original inhabitants for more than 300 years. Filipinos belonging to all social classes paved their way to the country’s largest revolution that would eventually leave a mark in the heart of Filipino people up to the present day.
So much effort has been exhausted to the glorification of celebrated heroes and romanticizing prominent national leaders chronicling a plethora of their lives and works, neglecting unconsciously in one way or the other the unrecognized heroes who to the same extent did heroic acts for the love of their motherland. Historians tend to propagate the myth that history is the story of the great heroes and their splendid deeds setting aside heroes underneath the surface, their contributions unknown to the majority Filipinos yet deserve to be acknowledged. Thus, there is a need for an ardent historian to embark on a task of reassessing the writing of Filipino heroes in the past and correcting its being popularity-oriented to give justice to heroes that are forgotten but deserved remembrance. The definition of hero is not exclusive to great men but also extend to those who attempt to improve the lives of their fellowmen and attain a society associated with goodness. Filipino nationalism did not thrive alone in the arms struggle or whatever sort organized to topple the Spanish government and the abusive friars. It also found its expression in the religious life of the Filipinos in the form of rejection of the Catholic religion by going back to the native religions being practiced by the country’s inhabitants prior to the advent of Spanish colonization. The demand for the secularization of the parish churches awakened the nationalist fervor and became a fire that spread quickly arousing the Filipinos to unite in attaining their ideals and aspirations in breaking the chain of foreign control. The launching, in 1902, of a Philippine national church called the Iglesia Filipiniana Independiente, was the culmination of this vision which was first raised in the Assembly of Paniqui which was convened in 1899 for the purpose of organizing the Filipino clergy. At the forefront in convening the assembly was a man, who was a former Catholic priest, a nationalist, a patriot, a guerilla leader, and the first Supreme Bishop of the Iglesia Filipiniana Independiente. His name was Gregorio Aglipay Cruz y Labayan. Few have been known about Gregorio Aglipay who continued the work begun by Fr. Jose Burgos- the Filipinization of the Catholic Church. He was born in Batac, Ilocos Norte on May 5, 1860. His parents were Pedro Aglipay Cruz and Victoriana Labayan Hilario. He obtained his Bachelors of Arts degree from Colegio de San Juan de Letran and went on to the University of Santo Tomas to study law. Religious calling was something he could not refuse which prompted to enter the Vigan Seminary in 1883. On December 21, 1889, he was ordained as priest in Manila, and for eight years served as coadjutor (assistant parish priest) in various parishes. The Revolutionary Government under the auspice of Emilio Aguinaldo chosen him to serve as military chaplain on October 20, 1898 then he was the only priest who signed in the Malolos Congress in Malolos, Bulacan in September representing the province of Ilocos Norte. Aglipay was raised to the rank of vicario general castrence (military vicar general) by General Aguinaldo in a decree issued on the 20th of October. He issued several manifestos urging the Filipino clergy to unite and take over the government of the Church in the country. In May, 1899, Archbishop Nozaleda excommunicated Aglipay for allegedly inciting rebellion against church authorities although up to that time, the latter had not expressed any schismatic intentions. Mabini gave Aglipay firm support in a manifesto in which he urged the Filipino clergy to elect an Ecclesiastical Council which would set up a provisional organization for the Filipino Church. Mabini’s objective was the establishment of national church which, although still under Holy See, would work in harmony with the Revolutionary government. Isabelo de los Reyes, a labor leader, offered him the position of supreme bishop but he refused at first, but finally accepted the offer which marked his severance from the Roman Catholic Church. He became a guerilla leader during the Philippine-American war but with the capture of General Aguinaldo in 1901, surrendered to Col. MacCaskey in Laoag. In 1935, he ran for presidency of the Commonwealth but was defeated by Manuel L. Quezon. On March 12, 1939, Aglipay married Pilar Jamias of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte since marrying of a clergy is allowed in the Aglipayan Church. His service to the church was cut-short when he died on September 1, 1940 due to cerebral stroke. The movement for a Philippine Church demonstrates both the anti-friar nature of the Philippine Revolution and its nationalist content. The support given by millions of people to the Aglipayan church revealed its ardent desire for independence.
He was not equally famous to known propagandist such as Marcelo H. del Pilar and Jose P. Rizal but he had joined the Philippine Revolution using his pen and wisdom as his greatest weapons. Pascual Poblete’s real name was Pascual Hicaro, Poblete was his mother’s surname. He was born on May 17, 1857 to parents Francisco Hicaro and Maria Poblete in Naic, Cavite. He studied at the Liceo de Manila where he graduated Bachelor of Arts. He had been contributing columns and essays for La Oceanie Española before he and Marcelo H. del Pilar founded the Diariong Tagalog. He was the founder and editor of the Revista Popular de Filipinas, which published articles mainly on public education and Filipino womanhood. Poblete then already serving as the editor and translator of the Revista Popular de Filipinas established Patnubay ng Catolico. He was also an associate editor of Ang Pliegong Tagalog in 1896. When the Philippine Revoluton broke out, he was imprisoned and deported to Spain and then to Africa as a subversive. He was nominated to the public policy board of the Ministro de Ultramar in Spain due to extraordinary talent in writing and then edited El Grito del Pueblo of the Nacionalista Party and Ang Kapatid ng Bayan upon returning home. He is remembered for writing the translation of the novel Noli Me Tangere by Rizal in the vernacular in 1909, and on December 30, 1913 he published Dia Filipino that contained many of Rizal’s writings. He enraged the Americans who charged him in court because of the drama which he wrote entitled El Amor Patrio but he escaped. He died of heart attack in Manila on February 5, 1921.
This man was known in history for his being the second husband to the young widow of Andres Bonifacio, Gregoria de Jesus, following the very untimely death of the Supremo of the Katipunan. Strange to many of the Filipinos, Nakpil was not a mere husband of the Lakambini of the Katipunan but a revolutionist, and a man endowed with great talents being a musician and composer. Julio Nakpil first saw the light on May 22, 1867 in Quiapo, Manila. At age eight, his parents enrolled him in the Quiapo public elementary school called Escuela de Instruccion Primera. His love for music made him take violin lessons from Maestro Ramon Valdes, in piano under his cousin Manuel Mata. When the revolution broke out, he was already a Freemason and was active in Rizal’s Liga Filipina, an organization which Bonifacio was also an active member. He fled Manila on November 2, 1896 to meet with Supremo Andres Bonifacio in Balara, Marikina. The Supremo assigned him delicate missions such as transfer by night of some 30 to 40 copper boxes of gunpowder from the Spanish arsenal in Binangonan, Morong, to Tejeros, San Francisco de Malabon, Cavite between December 1896 to March 1897. Bonifacio who had developed big trust to Nakpil designated him as acting secretary then minister of National Development (fomento) in the formation of the Departmental Government. He became a loyal follower of Bonifacio even after his death and in Pasig; he met the young widow of Bonifacio, Gregoria de Jesus whom he married on December 10, 1898 in the Catholic Church of Quiapo. His wife gave birth to eight children. His patriotic musical compositions include, among others; Pasig Pantaynin (1897), Kabanatuan (composed in honor of Gen. Luna), Salve Patria (1903. He drew his inspirations for his compositions from the Philippine Revolution .He died on November 2, 1960.
Taking part in the Philippine Revolution should not cost the individual to raise arms against the Spaniards when one can use his knowledge and talents to participate in this said battle to overpower the abusive Spaniards; this was proven by Justo Lucban, a physician, revolutionist and politician. Justo Lucban y Rilles was born to Don Agustin Lucban and Dona Andrea Rilles, wealthy couple, in Labo, Ambos Camarines (Camarines Norte) on May 28, 1863. He was the second of the six children in the family; he was the brother of the great General Vicente Lucban. He entered in 1873 finishing his Bachelor of Arts at the Colegio de San Juan de Letran. He eventually took up medicine at the University of Santo Tomas and thereafter, he was conferred the Licentiate of Medicine. Lucban rendered his service as medical officer in the revolution against Spain. He was one of those who signed the Pact of Biak-na-Bato. He joined the battle for freedom against the Americans in 1898 and affixed his signature in the Malolos Congress on September 15, 1898 representing his hometown Ambos, Camarines. He subsequently became the editor of the “La Independencia”, a newspaper advocating for Philippine Independence in 1906. He became active in politics when he represented the first district of Manila and the third to be appointed as mayor of Manila in 1917. Lukban was credited for building the Rizal Avenue, Jones Bridge, and putting up schools, public baths and toilets, and his battle against prostitution. His service to the public was disrupted because of heart ailment, dying at the age of 64 on September 2, 1927.
What should be remembered in our history are the great deeds of Filipinos regardless of its position in the society not the personalities of the heroes such as family background, wealth, and power. We Filipinos are known to give importance to something that is associated with wealth and power. Only few Filipino heroes are honored especially those who belong to the rich and powerful clans that had tragic deaths or simply their stories were just being romanticized by the authors of their biographies. Today’s generation must correct the errors that have been committed in the past by recording the events and personalities with fairness that occupy important places in our country’s history and cultural heritage.

I Hate You but I Love You: The Story of the Filipino-Hispano Friendship in the Siege of Baler

All books depicting the stories of war have always sad endings as war was never splendid or heroic regardless of its cause when it captures many lives including innocent victims. The color red in the Philippine flag symbolizes the valor of the Filipinos who offered their lives for the cause of the revolution- it is the blood of the Filipino people that surged for the fight for freedom that gave its red color. Similar to that of a game, war is divided by two opposing sides but only one will emerge as the victor. In the ancient period, the conquered militia is either killed en masse or enslaved.
In the episode of the Siege of Baler in Philippine History, the spotlight does not focus on the capitulation but the ‘renewal of the friendship’ between the two enemies, the Filipinos and the Spanish forces. There was a friendship that sprouted between the two parties because the Filipinos for a long time they had been loyal to the Spaniards as the seed of Catholicism germinated in their hearts.
This friendship underwent a difficult test when the Filipinos demanded freedom from the Spaniards that the latter rejected, and so a revolution had ensued. When the sentiments shifted against the Spaniards, the locals led by Teodorico Luna Novicio, Norberto Valenzuela, and Antero Amatorio established a Katipunan chapter in Baler around 1897. The fiery desire to be unchained from the colonial string was epitomized in the following events on October 3, 1897: the attacks of the residence of the politico military governor of Principe in Baler and the town’s school and commandancia. This fighting between the revolutionist and Spanish troops lasted until October 10. Those who managed to survive the attack took refuge inside the Baler Church.
The conclusion of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato on December 24, 1897 eased the Spanish garrison from 400 to only 50 men. The new garrison which arrived in February 1898 was led by Capt. Enrique de las Morenas and was provided with arms, ammunition, and food consisting of garbanzos or chickpeas, wine, bacon, biscuits, Australian corned beef, sardines, coffee, sugar, olive oil, and 70 cavanes of unhusked rice. The town now a deserted place, Spanish Captain de las Morenas gathered his men to the Baler Church on June 27, 1898 for fear of enemy attack. The Baler Church would be a haven for these Spanish forces being isolated from the outside world for the next eleven months. Novico Luna’s troops started to attack the church by surrounding it on the following day and fires broke out in the town on June 30, 1898. Demanding the Spanish to surrender, the revolutionist left a letter in front on the church including in the letter the news that Manila fell into the hands of Filipino troops and that Spanish forces in other parts of the country had already capitulated.
On July 19, Col. Calixto Villacorta from Nueva Ecija, had taken the lead of the Filipino forces. The sending of several parleys with the Spanish defenders demanding their capitulation to the extent of firing several rounds at the church but failed to penetrate its thick walls and conveying the newspapers which included the news of the fall of Manila did not move the Spanish defenders but instead, the Spanish commander destroyed the papers to prevent demoralization of his men. The Franciscans sent to the church, Fray Juan Lopez and Fray Felix Minaya, to convince the Spaniards to surrender defected.
On the Spanish camp, provisions started to run out. The Spanish defenders were afflicted with Beribei, scurvy, and dysentery reducing their number. The death of Captain de las Morenas on November 22, 1898 left 2nd Lieutenant Saturnino Martin Cerezo in command of the garrison. After 167 days, the defenders managed to open the door of the church.


By the final days of May, Lt. Col. Cristobal Aguilar Castañeda, an emissary Governor General de los Rios, convinced Martine Cerezo and his men to surrender. The Spanish newspaper El Imparcial made him conclude that there was no more reason to defend when the colony was not theirs anymore.
On June 2, 1899, the bugle was sounded signaling surrender, the Filipinos emerged from their trenches shouting Amigos! Amigos! Amigos! Filipino Colonel Simon Tecson met with Martin Cerezo and his aides while the Spaniards remained inside the church. Cerezo laid down his terms to the capitulation to which the Filipinos agreed such as the Spanish troops should not be treated as prisoners of war. This was signed by Col Tecson and Major Nemesio Bartlome for the Filipinos and by Martin Cerezo and Vigil Quiñones for the Spaniards. With the terms of surrender completed, the cazadores marched out of the church with their arms while the Filipino troops lined up the pathway. From more than 50 individuals who entered the church of Baler, 35 survived.
Aguinaldo impressed by the bravery of these Spanish defenders in Baler, issued a decree on June 30, 1899 providing the Spanish forces to be considered as friends not enemies and be given safe conduct pass necessary for them to be able to return to their country. On July 20, 1899 Martin Cerezo and his men left Manila aboard the vessel Alicante and reached Barcelona on September 1, 1899.

‘Historical Markers ‘

Considered as a dull subject in school, most people never really know the importance of history and why appreciate it in our day to day living. Whenever people pass the road in front of Luneta Park, what impresses them is neither Luneta as a historical site nor the spot where our hero Jose Rizal sacrificed his life for the love of the country, but a picnic ground for the family; or those who go jogging to stay fit. In Claro M. Recto Avenue, what interests people are the shopping malls and other tiangge stores, but they don’t even dare glance at the marker there which contains very important information of the place being the location where Andres Bonifacio and company met at a house on Azcarraga near Elcano Street, Tondo District to form the KKK.
Although Andres Bonifacio, Deodato Arellano and Teodoro Plata are long dead and we have installed markers in their honor, we should not limit ourselves to venerating heroes or in deeper sense, personages who made outstanding achievements in the history. It was Thomas Carlyle who raised this attitude to the level of a philosophy with his ideas of the “hero in history”- the Great Man, whose superhuman powers, wisdom, or inspiration enabled him to accomplish some fundamental change, for better or worse, in the life of his nation. The absence of the Great Man would mean that the great event would not have occurred – no Jose Rizal; no Philippine Revolution, no Andres Bonifacio; no KKK, no Emilio Aguinaldo; no Philippine Republic. In other words, we look at history in strictly human terms. But do we have to honor only the people we considered heroes? How about old churches, lighthouses, edifices, bridges and other old structures we see that we would normally consider archaic? These structures are said to be monuments to our history, silent witnesses of our glorious past. Aside from documents, monuments are relics of human happenings, thus, they deserve to be preserved and marked for the next generation to recognize their role in history. The Great Wall of China, for example, is a national treasure among the Chinese as it protected for many centuries the northern border from attacks of barbarians during the rule of successive dynasties. In the Philippines, we have The Banaue Rice Terraces which are 2000-years old and were carved out of the mountains of Ifugao by ancestors of the Batad people. If the Banaue Rice Terraces could only speak, they will have many stories about our former times to tell about our former times that you might consider very relevant to the present.
We frequently ask this question, what good does History bring to us? Do we still need History and should we live in the past when we are already looking forward to the future? This question may be answered this way: History is the memory of a human group experience of its experience and if it is forgotten or ignored, that human group ceases in that measure, to be human. Without history we have no knowledge of who we are or who we came to be, like victims of collective amnesia groping in the dark for our identity. As the old saying goes, “Ang hindi lumingon sa pinanggalingan ay hindi makakarating sa paroroonan”. It is the events recorded in history that have generated all the emotion, the values, the ideals that make life meaningful, that have given men something to live for, struggle over, die for. … History is a source of inspiration, as it holds up to us the tradition and the glory, the clashing passions and the heroic exploits of past generations.- for the present and future generations to follow- if only to preserve their survival.